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Most common race in americaMost common race in america.Largest Ethnic Groups And Nationalities In The United States
Most common age of whites in U.S. is For minorities, it’s 27 | Pew Research Center - Reckoning With the Past
Prior to European colonization, Native Americans were the original residents of the present-day United States. Unfortunately, the arrival of Europeans meant new exposure to diseases, and often involve a violent outcome. The Native American population dwindled, and today the population group still disproportionately suffers from high poverty rates. Mexicans have been immigrating to the US throughout the history of the country due to the proximity of the country to the US.
The people of the Mexican ethnic group is majorly found in the southwestern borders of the US and constitute The Mexicans also constitute American people cite a variety of ethnic backgrounds. African American A black, or African-American person is defined by having total or partial black ancestry. Mexicans Mexicans have been immigrating to the US throughout the history of the country due to the proximity of the country to the US.
Benjamin Elisha Sawe July 18 in Society. Ancient African Civilizations. Maya Civilization. Qing Dynasty.
Historical Methods Of Execution. The changes, detailed by Humes et al. Experimental evidence suggests that the changes to the questions and instructions had the intended effects Stokes et al.
To minimize effects of questionnaire differences, we excluded people from households who returned an Alternative Questionnaire Experiment census form in , people; see Compton et al. Other effects of questionnaire changes remain in the data. We also excluded cases in which the person was listed as SOR and at least one other race in 1,, people. During the process of making the Census race write-in entries consistent between the enumerator-filled questionnaire and the mailout-mailback questionnaire, a processing error caused approximately 1 million cases to be permanently recoded as SOR multiracial see U.
Census Bureau : data note 5. We excluded some cases for multiple reasons. We study the full set of people remaining after our exclusions, leaving us with ,, people. Write-in responses were categorized into federally defined race groups using slightly different protocols in and We corrected for this by applying the coding scheme to write-in responses given in Also, coding procedures for write-in lines changed from to for those who wrote more than two race responses on one write-in line.
This may have a small impact on our results. Our data are not nationally representative and should not be interpreted as such. Because these are total U. We show in Table 1 the distribution of race and Hispanic responses in the million cases in our analysis data and compare them with parallel numbers for the full and population data.
Liebler et al. We have millions of responses that describe the same individual at two points in time; thus, we can observe response changes directly as opposed to using inference e. In addition, because these are the most recent U. Of the ,, people in our data, 6. Response changes spanned the full variety of race and Hispanic-origin groups. Shaded boxes are found throughout the figure, and many denote a large number of people. For example, thousands of people who were reported as single-race non-Hispanic Asian in row 4 were reported in as 1 a different non-Hispanic single race columns 1, 2, 3, 5, and 6 of the top-left quadrant , 2 non-Hispanic and multiple races the remaining columns in the top-left quadrant , or 3 Hispanic Asian column 4 in the top-right quadrant.
Also, ethnicity responses changed for thousands of people; the top-right and bottom-left quadrants are both well populated with shaded boxes. In Fig. The charts in Fig. See Table S1 in Online Resource 1 for estimates of the effect of false matches on these numbers. In most groups, the size of the population who left column C is similar to the size of the population who joined column E.
In other words, response churning is mostly hidden in cross-sectional comparisons of the to data. The large center bars for the single-race non-Hispanic white, black, and Asian response groups in Fig. These same groups were usually found to be relatively stable in the short-term census follow-up studies Bentley et al.
The double-minority response groups rarely included in other studies have the highest levels of response change. We conclude that to understand response stability and change, researchers need to study the full diversity of heritages, not just the larger groups.
We answer this with three case studies, chosen because they encompass the most common response changes discussed later and because they include race groups that have extensive response change but small sample sizes in other studies: American Indians and Pacific Islanders.
Our case studies are the first to show detailed response changes among double-minorities or people of all ages in the modern era. Hispanic race responses have most often been white or SOR; for more about race responses of people reporting Hispanic origins, see Golash-Boza and Darity , Logan , Miyawaki , and Tafoya The cells on the diagonal show that non-Hispanic white responses are quite stable whereas non-Hispanic SOR responses are not.
Two situations in Table 2 do not follow the pattern of generally offsetting flows seen elsewhere in this table and in Fig. First, more people changed responses from Hispanic SOR to Hispanic white 2,, than the reverse 1,, These are the most long-standing U. Table 3 shows substantial response change from a single-race to a different single-race response between white and American Indian, as was suspected but not proven in prior research Eschbach et al.
See Liebler et al. Some response churning occurred between single-race white and single-race black responses, as found in historical data by Saperstein and Gullickson and Loveman and Muniz Many people in Table 3 were reported as one race in one census and an additional race in the other census.
Among those with white-black responses in , , there were 90, reported as single-race black in and 35, reported as single-race white. This distribution of single-race responses shows relatively more white responses than found among adolescents who reported white-black multiracial in the s Doyle and Kao ; Harris and Sim White—American Indian and black—American Indian multiracial responses have a strong tendency toward white or black single-race responses when the responses change. Those reported as Pacific Islander have high rates of response change as shown in Fig.
Our research provides unique information about response changes affecting the Pacific Islander response group. Of , people reported as non-Hispanic single-race Pacific Islander in , approximately twice as many were reported as multiple-race white—Pacific Islander or Asian—Pacific Islander in than were reported as single-race white or Asian.
This tendency to keep the Pacific Islander designation but add or remove an additional response impacts the effect of various category aggregations shown in upcoming Fig. In our data, people whose responses changed between non-Hispanic white-Asian and a single race were usually reported as non-Hispanic white. Adolescents in the Add Health data, in contrast, more often collapsed a white-Asian response to single-race Asian Doyle and Kao ; Harris and Sim The three case studies reveal some general patterns.
Second, in our data with people of all ages, some single-race responses were more common than others when a response changed from one race to two or vice versa; the largest of the groups was favored, except among white-black responses. This churning is hidden in cross-sectional data. Next we show the 20 most common race response changes in our data Fig. The two most common response changes seen earlier in Table 2 were changing from a Hispanic SOR response to a Hispanic white response, and the reverse see Stokes et al.
At least three other patterns among the most common response moves are notable. First, many of these response moves involved a modification to the response, not a complete change; this is the case in 14 of the top 20 most common moves ranks 3—7, 9, 11, 12, 14, and 16—20 , suggesting that most response changes were not errors or false links.
See Rockquemore and Root for qualitative research about fluid multiracial identities. Second, many common response changes involved a change between a non-Hispanic single-race white response the majority group and a minority group response, often a two-race response that included white ranks 3—7, and Some of these response moves were anticipated by previous research about adolescents Doyle and Kao ; Harris and Sim In our data, more of these moves involved leaving the majority group.
Optional identities have been thought to be a special case of white privilege and not available to those whose physical appearance generates socially enforced race labels imposed by others.
Thus, these single-race to single-race response change patterns are a new and relatively unexpected finding. There is limited information gathered in full-count censuses. For each of the top 20 response changes, we show proportions who in were children, women, living in the West, and used the mail response mode in both years also see Online Resource 1 , Table S2. The top two rows in Fig. Women were not overrepresented among response changers.
Important variations in patterns are evident across the different response changes. Children predominated among those whose reports changed from black to white-black, or vice versa ranks 12 and 18 , while adults predominated among those reported as combinations of white and American Indian ranks 5, 6, 8, 10, 16, and Those sometimes reported as Asian ranks 17 and 20 or Hispanic SOR ranks 1, 2, and 11 were more often in the West, while those sometimes reported as black ranks 12, 13, 15, and 18 were mostly in non-West regions.
Those whose responses changed between Hispanic white and non-Hispanic white ranks 3 and 4 were less often in the West. Among those in Fig.
Involvement of an enumerator at least once was most common among people reported as Hispanic SOR in but not rank 2 and those with single-race to single-race response changes ranks 8, 10, 13, and To assist others in understanding how response changes may be affecting their data, we use Fig.
The rate of response change among those reported as single-race non-Hispanic white, black, or Asian was low across all age and sex groups with a tendency for more response change among children. We find higher levels of response change but fairly little variation by age or by sex among people reported in as non-Hispanic American Indian, Pacific Islander, white—American Indian, another non-Hispanic response, or a Hispanic race response that was neither white nor SOR.
Theories about reasons for response change for these groups should not rest heavily on age or gender dynamics. Other groups in Fig. Young people had a lower rate of race response change than older people among those reported in as non-Hispanic white-black, non-Hispanic white-Asian, or Hispanic SOR. Increases in white-black and white-Asian interracial unions have perhaps allowed the younger generation to be relatively comfortable with and stable in a multiracial identity see Korgen Some analyses strategies have an implicit assumption that responses do not change.
Researchers using these methods might wish to reduce cross-category response change by aggregating categories. We use Fig. The four strategies for coding Hispanic responses give different levels of response stability. A coding strategy that divides Hispanic responses into groups based on the race response in would have a substantial proportion of different people in Because relatively few people add or drop the Hispanic designation but relatively many with Hispanic responses had a different race response from one census to the other Fig.
No such simple coding solution exists for increasing the consistency of individuals in the American Indian, Pacific Islander, or multiple-race groups. We found that 6. Responses changed in some ways anticipated by substantial previous research e.
The most imbalanced response change flows may be uneven because of questionnaire design changes. Theoretical explanations for response change should take into account response churning—countervailing flows of response changes—as opposed to focusing on only one direction of response change.
However, we found extensive population churning among those reported as American Indian, Pacific Islander, or multiple races response groups usually excluded from other studies.
Response changes happen throughout our society: among males and females, children and adults, in all regions, and across response modes. We found variation in these patterns across the 20 most common response changes. Do these changes affect research findings? To assist, we showed response change rates for age-, sex-, race- and Hispanic origin-subgroups. We also calculated the extent to which response change rates are sensitive to various aggregations of the possible combinations of race and Hispanic-origin categories.
The white, black, and Asian response groups show about the same levels of response change across age and sex groups and across different aggregation schemes. Like all research, our work has limitations. Although we apply strict case selection rules, a small proportion of response changes are likely due to different individuals filling out the form, faulty data links, or post-enumeration processing issues.
Some people may have provided erroneous information, either by mistake or on purpose. We also are limited in the conclusions we can draw from these data: we have only two data points, we do not know who filled out the form, and census responses are not equivalent to identities. Our data overrepresent people reported as non-Hispanic white the most stable response group and underrepresent other response groups. For almost all race response groups, response instability is an important factor to consider in analyses.
When deciding on the number and types of questions to ask about race and ethnicity, study designers gathering data need to recognize that these are concepts with complexity Page , and they will not be able to be well captured in a single, simple one-time question. When a survey has multiple questions about race and ethnicity e.
For example, although their race responses often change, people reported as Hispanic white have a different socioeconomic and geographic profile than people reported as Hispanic SOR Logan Although not a current practice with race and ethnicity data, this same caveat holds for most other measured characteristics, such as education, location, and marital status. At a conceptual level, our results highlight an oft-stated declaration: race and ethnicity are complex, multifaceted constructs.
People are constantly experiencing and negotiating their racial and ethnic identities in interactions with people and institutions, and in personal, local, national, and historical context. Some racial and ethnic identities cannot be effectively translated to a census or survey questionnaire fixed-category format. Given the many forces urging instability in responses, the fact that we did find response stability The two federally defined ethnicity categories are Hispanic and non-Hispanic.
The ethnicity question is separate from the race question; see Fig. We study all response changes in the same way but acknowledge that each change has its own meaning and reasons. For example, adding or dropping a second race response could reflect a different identity phenomenon than switching responses from one single race to another. Population churning —countervailing flows into and out of a response category—is at most minimally discussed in these reports.
This comparison is limited by differences in response mode mail vs. Enumerators are involved when the household does not return the mailed census form; when the address is in an area that consists of mostly seasonal homes; and in some extremely rural areas, such as western American Indian reservations, Alaska Native areas, and rural Maine Fallica et al.
The 63 race response categories six race groups alone and in each combination are not labeled in Fig. Census Bureau :6—1 to 6—3. Two other common patterns ranked 9th and 11th also show race response changes by people who were consistently identified as Hispanic. The vertical line in each column of Fig. When group-specific response change rates are applied to the full Census population, the estimated rate of response change increases to 8. Frequency of race and Hispanic-origin response change between and Rows and columns are in census order see Fig.
Census Bureau to for full list. Only cases in the linked data are shown. People reported as Some Other Race in combination with another race in are not studied here because a processing error affected their responses.
These 62 empty rows are not shown. Race response fluidity between Census and the census, by Hispanic origin. Case counts include only people in the linked data. Rows are in census order U. Not shown: , people in the linked data who reported non-Hispanic multiracial, including SOR in ; and , people who reported Hispanic multiracial, including SOR in The percent who stayed in the category shown numerically represents the percentage of people who reported a race and Hispanic origin combination in both and , of the people who reported that combination in either or Rows are in order of descending number of response changes.
See Table S2 in Online Resource 1 for case counts underlying the bars. Responses are non-Hispanic unless noted. Charts include only people in the linked data. See Table S3 in Online Resource 1 for underlying numbers.
Only people in the linked data are shown; see Table S4 in Online Resource 1 for case counts. Percentages are calculated as in Fig. The percentage who stayed in the category is shown for reference. Census and census official United States population totals in comparison to linked data used in this study. Sign In or Create an Account. Search Dropdown Menu. Advanced Search. User Tools Dropdown. Sign In. Skip Nav Destination Article Navigation.
Research Article January 19 Liebler ; Carolyn A. This Site. Sonya R. Porter ; Sonya R. Leticia E. Fernandez ; Leticia E. James M. Noon ; James M. Sharon R. Ennis Sharon R. Demography 54 1 : — Race , Hispanic origin , Response change , Census , census. Adamczyk, A. Google Scholar. Search ADS. Alba, R. The case of the disappearing Mexican Americans: An ethnic-identity mystery.
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